Biography of Matthew Bowden 11/10/1779 - 23/10/1814 |
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Civil Surgeon at Sullivan’s Bay & Hobart 1803 - 1814By Alison Goding. |
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England |
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BackgroundThe England into which Matthew Bowden was born was one of social change and contrast at home and conflict abroad. The late eighteenth century was characterized by great wealth for many of the upper classes, largely derived from overseas possessions and areas of influence. While the arts and science flourished, increased bread prices, urbanisation, and mass unemployment brought poverty and crime. The long reign of the popular George III was marred by periods of insanity which became permanent in 1811. His eldest son, who became Prince Regent that year and later George 1V, was extravagant and dissipated. For most of Matthew’s life England was at war, first in the American War of Independence, where the rebel colonists were joined by France and Spain and won their freedom in 1783. By 1793, at the onset of the French Revolution, England’s war with France broke out again, followed by the Napoleonic Wars which were to continue until 1815, with brief periods of peace. BirthplaceMatthew was born in or near the small town of Houghton-le Spring, seven miles from the Cathedral city of Durham. With a twin sister, Isabel, he was the eldest of eight children, four girls and four boys. His parents were Elizabeth (nee Bee) and John Bowden of Dean House. The family appear to have been prosperous, with a farm and house five or six miles outside Houghton and a house in the town which later became the ‘White Lion’ Hotel. Marion Bowden, who visited with her husband in 1963, wrote in a letter:-
The ‘Blue Guide’, 1989 states that Houghton-le-Spring ‘has good 16th and 17th century houses and a 13th century Church’. When Douglas and Elizabeth Bowden visited in the late sixties they were told that there were four generations of the Bowden family buried in the churchyard. Schooling and ApprenticeshipAccording to family tradition Matthew attended the Royal Kepier Grammar School at Houghton and his handwriting, grammar and fluency of expression all point to a good education. The school still stands, next to the 13th century Church. Early in 1793 he was apprenticed to William Eden, an Apothecary and Surgeon in Sunderland, a coastal town in County Durham, thirteen miles north of Houghton. He was apprenticed for six years for a premium of fifty pounds. At that time the training of apothecaries and surgeons usually involved apprenticeship to a master for five to seven years, followed by admission to a Guild, conferring licence to practice. Once qualified the surgeons would practice in small towns, join the Army or Navy or take up civil Government positions in the colonies. Roy Porter writes:-
University training in Medicine and Surgery also began in Britain in the nineteenth century with the establishment of schools in Edinburgh and London. On completion of such training students were awarded an academic degree, `followed by admission to a faculty or college and often a court or official appointment’ Nothing is known of Matthew’s life from the time he would have finished his apprenticeship in 1799 until April 1803. According to the inscription on his tombstone: ‘In the early part of his life he had the honour to bear his Majesty’s Commission as Surgeon in the Royal Lancashire or King’s Own Regiment’ but research into Army archives has failed to find a record of him serving in any capacity.
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The Voyage to Australia |
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| Contemporary records provide a fund of information about Matthew’s experiences from 24 April 1803, when he sailed from Portsmouth on the Ocean, embarking on a voyage to Australia. He set out as civil First Assistant Surgeon in an expedition led by Colonel David Collins, appointed Lieutenant Governor of a new colony to be established at Port Phillip or another site on Bass Strait. The main aim of this venture appears to have been a strategic one, to avert the possibility of the French claiming territory in the south east of Australia. Labour was to be supplied by convicts, thus relieving some of the pressure on the prison system in England and the convict settlement at Port Jackson. We can only speculate on Matthew’s reasons for taking such a step, which at first sight seems a strange one for the eldest son of a family which owned considerable property. The desire for economic advancement would appear to have been the main motivation. His large family may have had financial problems and reports from the first Australian colony at Port Jackson might well have led Matthew to believe that there was money to be made from land grants in the new settlement. He was to lose no time in setting up as a farmer on arrival in Van Diemen’s Land. Nor was it unusual for well educated young men to seek their fortunes in the colonies; G.P.Harris, a young lawyer from a prosperous, affectionate family and the prospect of a successful career at home, joined the same expedition as a surveyor, possibly influenced by an unhappy love affair. Matthew kept a diary on the voyage, in 1939 the subject of a note in the Journal of the Royal Historical Society. As well as listing those travelling on the Ocean, it consisted of thirty-two pages, including a long account of Teneriffe. It was said to be in the possession of the Misses A. and M.Tindall, but its present whereabouts are unknown. Fortunately we can learn of his experiences from the diaries of others. Collins sailed on the Calcutta which was under the command of an experienced Naval captain, Daniel Woodriff, aged forty-seven. The 1,200 ton ship was built in 1788 and was later equipped as a man of war with fifty-six guns and a crew of 150. Travelling on the Calcutta were 320 convicts, five Naval lieutenants, eight midshipmen, a purser, Edward Bromley, a Naval surgeon, William I’Anson, civil First Surgeon, two Marine Lieutenants, Rev. Robert Knopwood, Chaplain, non-commissioned officers of the Royal Marines and sailors. There were also seventeen wives of convicts, their eleven children and nine wives of marines with three children. The Ocean, under the command of Captain John Mertho was a merchant ship of about 480 tons, belonging to the East India Company and chartered as a supply ship on condition that arrangements were made for it to carry a cargo from the East Indies on the return voyage. She was armed with ten six pounder carriage guns, and supplied with thirty rounds of powder and shot. Her crew was equipped with cutlasses. On board were seven civil officers, the wives of some, free settlers, wives and children, and missionaries, William Crook, his wife and William Craw. In addition to Matthew the civil officers were William Hopley, Second Assistant Surgeon, Leonard Fosbrook, Commissary, George Harris, Surveyor, Adolarious Humphrey, Mineralogist, Thomas Clark and William Patterson, Superintendents. Ist Lieutenant William Sladden and 2nd Lieutenant Edward Lord were in charge of four Marine privates. All the free settlers traveled on the Ocean; there were twenty-six adults and twelve children. Altogether there were said to be 107 people. For Collins, preparations for the voyage were complex and stressful. In a letter to a friend in the Admiralty he described his inspection of the ship on 21 March:-
Collins advised that settlers who intended to go to Port Jackson should wait for the
next ship and continued ironically, ‘they are all ordered to embark tomorrow and
there are yet 16 cabins to be built for them.’ All civil officers had cabins and brought their own supplies. They ate together with the Master, their meals probably prepared by servants drawn from the settlers or crew. The young civil officers, all in their twenties, appear to have quickly made friends. Harris wrote to his mother, 'we have all been good friends, which is not always the case in a Mess'. Humphrey wrote to his mother while waiting to sail, 'Harris is very quick at sketching and is now amusing Bowden and Fosbrook by taking their likenesses. I shall enclose a sketch he has been making for their amusement'.8 Storms and the Canary IslandsAfter rough weather in the Bay of Biscay, when sails of the Ocean were torn by the gales, the ships experienced calm seas. Repairs were made, awnings prepared and marines and sailors drilled. Religious services were held on the ships as they approached the Canary Islands. Both ships anchored off Teneriffe on 17 May. Permission to take on water was granted by the Spanish Governor and next day wine was provided by the British Consul - 12 pipes (4 barrels for the ships’ companies and 2 ¼ casks for the convicts). Officers probably purchased extra supplies; Harris wrote of the low cost of Madeira type wine. Fresh beef, fruit and vegetables were also bought. The ships remained at Teneriffe until 21 May and officers and settlers enjoyed their time there. Both young Lieut. Pateshall of the Calcutta and Harris wrote enthusiastically about their experiences which were no doubt shared by Matthew. Pateshall wrote in his journal:-
The visitors found the local inhabitants friendly; Harris wrote that he was able to gain interesting information through his ‘smattering’ of French and ‘the assistance of my friend and shipmate Mr Bowden, who had more opportunities of forming acquaintances than myself.’ Crossing the AtlanticLoaded with fresh supplies of meat, fruit and vegetables, the Ocean and Calcutta left Teneriffe on 21 May and set sail for South America. Passing the islands of Saint Jago and Fogo, where there was an active volcano, Pateshall wrote that the travelers sighted 'great quantities of Birds, Turtles, flying Fish and Sharks.' ‘ I assure you that I made some excellent meals of them’, wrote Harris, `I little thought I would relish a piece of shark, but a month’s confinement to salt meat makes a person have a little appetite for fish’. Crossing the Atlantic, the weather became very hot and the wind dropped; after averaging a hundred miles a day, the ships only covered forty-seven, fifteen and twenty miles on successive days. Lieutenant Tuckey of the Calcutta described magnificent sunsets. On 9 June the ships passed over the equator and those crossing for the first time were subjected to ducking and shaving rituals, inflicted by Neptune and his retainers. A number of ships were seen on this part of the journey, one of which was the British Slave ship, Rio Nova, carrying 320 captives from West Africa. The Master reported that his crew had mutinied and asked for assistance. Captain Woodriff responded by taking aboard three ringleaders who were then confined below in irons. On the same day there was trouble on the Ocean, caused by free settlers rather than crew, apparently led by John Hartley, a former Naval Captain who planned to engage in whaling and sealing in partnership with William Collins. Rio de JaneiroPateshall wrote that on reaching Rio de Janeiro, Captain Mertho reported that `the Settlers on board were continuously in a state of riot and they on their part complaining of tyranny against the Captain and his officers caused a Court of Enquiry to be held, which terminated in sending a party of Marines on board for the remainder of the voyage.’ On 1 July the Calcutta entered Rio harbour and obtained permission to anchor opposite the Viceroy’s palace. According to Pateshall permission was also given for the ships to remain for eighteen days in order to carry out repairs. The Ocean arrived next day. Time spent ashore was again very enjoyable for Pateshall, Harris, Tuckey and Knopwood who described it in their diaries. Churches and convents were visited and the travelers enthralled by spectacular religious processions. Some residents invited them to their homes. Pateshall was entertained by a merchant when he enjoyed the company of young women, with `fine black eyes and good teeth’. He found `their actions a little wild, for a young lady thinks nothing of sitting on a gentleman’s knee, with her arms around his neck, kissing him in the presence of strangers ... an acquaintance of a few hours will authorise this familiarity.’ Knopwood, the Chaplain, frequently visited the convent of Adjuda, where he relished the company of 'a very beautiful young lady by the name of Antonia Januaria'. They parted with mutual regret. Visits were also made to the Opera. Pateshall also enjoyed excursions to the country and enthusiastically described the scenery:- The Country itself is beautiful, even the tops of the Mountains and Rocks are covered with plantains or Cocoa-nut trees. Fruits of all sorts are in the greatest abundance and of the best qualities, Oranges, Bananas, Limes and many other fruits run wild in the waste lands ... The country a little inland is overrun with wild beasts of all discriptions [sic] but there is little fear of them. The Boars when wounded become desperate, in this case the hunter takes to a tree, ... Monkeys, Marmosets, Parrots etc. are procured here but change of climate put them to death. Once again fresh meat, fruit, vegetables and seed were loaded on the ships. Ducks, geese and thirteen pigs went aboard the Calcutta, while the Ocean also took on some livestock. The ships left Rio de Janeiro on 20 July, having been delayed by the search for seven deserters, three of whom were returned to the Calcutta by Portuguese soldiers. For those on the Ocean Rio was to be the last port of call; they were not to sight land until Cape Otway came into view seventy-six days later. The Calcutta was to land at the Cape of Good Hope but after setting sail, Captain Woodriff sent a message to Captain Mertho of the Ocean instructing him not to make for the Cape if the ships became separated. England and Holland had recently been at war and the attitude of the Dutch to British ships was uncertain; Woodriff feared that the Ocean might be captured if she appeared without the protection of the well-armed Calcutta. Gales and HungerAlmost immediately the ships ran into storms and lost sight of each other in gale force winds and heavy rain. The Ocean fell further and further behind and everyone on board suffered. Harris described the conditions :-
Humphrey wrote of the diet: -
Cape of Good HopeMeanwhile the Calcutta arrived at the Cape of Good Hope on 14 August and spent eleven days there. Here cows, sheep and poultry were purchased for the ship’s stores and by Collins and other officers for their own use. Pateshall remarked that ‘the Calcutta might have been properly termed Noah’s Ark.’
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Port Phillip Bay |
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| On 5 October the Ocean first sighted the Australian coast when Cape Otway came into view. The next day the ship at last arrived at the entrance to Port Phillip Bay but was unable to enter. A strong on-shore gale was blowing, waves were breaking across the entrance and no channel was visible. William Collins10 courageously volunteered to investigate the entrance and set off in an open boat with six sailors. After some hours he returned disappointed, reporting that he had been unable to find a channel. The Ocean was forced to sail out to sea again to avoid being wrecked on the rocks; fortunately a strong tide carried her twelve miles from the coast. To the great relief of all, the next day was fine, Collins set out again and was able to find the channel. He hoisted a flag to signal the Ocean to follow, a signal which Humphrey reported `gave us all the greatest joy’. The ship cast anchor off Port King and Matthew was one of the eager young men in the first boat to reach the shore. Tipping writes:- ‘Humphrey claimed to be the first to set foot on land. ‘I take possession of this Country in the Name of the King of England' he cried with jubilance as he sprang from the boat ahead of surveyor Harris, and surgeons Bowden and Hopley’.11 The men set out on a ten mile walk along the coast and found traces of fires on the sands. On arrival at Port Phillip those on the Calcutta experienced even greater trauma than those on the Ocean. As their ship stood close to King Island a violent storm placed them in grave danger. Pateshall wrote: 'an hurricane of wind over the Ship’s poop suddenly split or blew away every sail from the yards: in this situation did we remain during a long and awful night in an unexplored sea until morning'. Like Mertho, Captain Woodriff had difficulty in sighting the channel through the entrance and feared the ship would be blown on to the rocks. Finally the channel was found and to the great relief of all, the masts of the Ocean appeared. The Calcutta anchored close to the other ship and Captain Mertho came aboard, reporting, according to Pateshall, that ‘his crew and passengers were all in perfect health’. After the rigours of the long voyage, the first sight of the country made a favourable impression on both Tuckey and Pateshall, the latter writing :-
Poor Soil and No Fresh WaterTheir elation was short lived; the two captains and Tuckey returned from a trip to the shore to report that the soil was poor and there was no fresh water. Moreover,’ upon approaching the shore two natives appeared brandishing their spears and making hostile motion’. The Aboriginals ran away when a musket was fired over their heads but a further search failed to find fresh water. In spite of disappointment, under Lieutenant Governor Collins’ direction efforts were made to establish the settlement as efficiently as possible. The immediate problem of water was solved by sinking barrels in the sand, producing water which the surgeons pronounced fresh. The site chosen was a small bay on the outskirts of the present town of Sorrento and named Sullivan’s Bay after the Under-Secretary for War and the Colonies. A pre-fabricated hut was set up for the Lieut. Governor and tents erected for other personnel. The surgeons were to sleep close to the Hospital tent. In time some tents were replaced by huts of timber with local lime for mortar. Chimneys and fireplaces were made by convict bricklayers. Many of the prisoners had skills which were put to good use and they were under orders to work from dawn until dusk. Collins made strenuous efforts to impose discipline, with strict attention to hygiene and order. A copper was set up for washing and convict women employed as laundresses. Land was set aside for cultivation and seeds planted. The Calcutta moved to an anchorage off the mountain now known as Arthur’s Seat where a wharf was built and timber for the Navy cut and loaded. On one occasion it was reported that some four hundred Aborigines gathered close to the carpenters’ huts; ammunition was unloaded in readiness for defence but the tribesmen did not attack. Food supplies were distributed from the ship’s stores and the diet supplemented by fishing and hunting. Fish, oysters and other molluscs, crayfish, large birds and kangaroos were plentiful. As a result of a relatively good diet and efficient hygiene health was generally good and there were only two deaths12 ExplorationAt the same time the surrounding country was explored. The Lieut. Governor knew nothing of the survey which had been carried out earlier in the year under the leadership of the Port Jackson surveyor, Grimes, which led to the discovery of the mouth of the Yarra River. Collins sent out a large boat to explore Port Phillip Bay but it did not reach the Yarra. Tuckey went with another party which reached Corio Bay and reported that there was fertile soil and good water. They met with a large group of Aborigines who acted aggressively in spite of friendly overtures, seizing hold of one member of the party. They fled when a tribesman was shot dead. Matthew Bowden did not participate in the expeditions on water but volunteered to take part in a four day exploration on land. The party consisted of Tuckey, two lieutenants of the Marines, the purser of the Calcutta, three soldiers, and seven convicts to carry supplies. They followed the ridge from Arthur’s Seat, catching glimpses of the sea. Just east of Cape Schank they spent the first night, building a small shelter resembling a native hut. Next day a pocket compass guided them to the entrance of Westernport. After walking for twelve miles they spent the second night camping inland from the present site of the resort of Point Leo. Next day they turned back and spent four hours crossing country described by Tuckey as having ‘deep chasms with a near impenetrable jungle of prickly shrubs bound together with creeping plants’. 13 After a night spent at Cape Schanck they returned to Sullivan’s Bay, disappointed that they had not found coal or safe anchorages on Westernport. Surgeon's DutiesThe duties of surgeons at Sullivan’s Bay do not appear to have been onerous, although Tipping writes, 'there were never less than thirty under medical treatment'. Illnesses were mainly minor. Scurvy and diarrhoea were fairly common and injuries were sustained by those unloading boats and engaged in other heavy work. Those suffering from scurvy were fed on kangaroo, fish, and carefully rationed lime juice and occasionally given wine. Dr. Rob Simpson credited Matthew Bowden with performing the first surgical operation in Victoria when he removed a bullet from the body of a convict, Charles Shore, shot while attempting to escape. Simpson wrote, 'The patient apparently survived and was well enough to be able to complain about the effects of the wound two years later'.14 Escapees and UnrestAccording to Tipping, at least twenty-seven convicts tried to escape on land but there was no attempt to abscond by water. Twenty returned, some voluntarily, while others were caught by marines sent to search for them. With the exception of William Buckley the others apparently perished. Physically and mentally strong, Buckley lived off the land for thirty-two years, meeting up with the first permanent white settlers at Port Phillip in 1835. Collins also had to cope with considerable unrest among the convicts, and many robberies, including the theft of supplies from the hospital tent. Further problems were created by discontented marines who were reluctant to attend drill. With the threat of mutiny two ring- leaders were court martialled and severely punished, one receiving 700 and the other 500 lashes.15 Collins enlisted the aid of civil officers to patrol the camp at night. Matthew Bowden was among them. Rev. KnopwoodIt was at Port Phillip that Matthew developed two relationships that were to be of great importance to him for the rest of his life. One was with the Reverend Robert (Bobby) Knopwood, the other with Maria Sergeant, 16 with whom he was to live in Van Diemen’s Land and who was to be the mother of his children. Knopwood, then aged forty, was the only son of a High Sheriff of Norfolk, a gentleman farmer with a large estate. Knopwood’s father died when he was eight, leaving large debts. Land was sold to pay his debtors but the family home, Threxton Hall, was retained; Knopwood inherited it and some 18,000 pounds by the time he was twenty-three. He was educated in boarding schools and at Cambridge where he gained a Master’s degree in 1790. By this time he had been ordained a priest in Norwich Cathedral, but was leading a life which led to the squandering of his inheritance. One of his associates was Viscount Clermont, a member of the set of the dissipated Prince of Wales. He spent his time hunting, fishing, carousing and gambling, pursuits in which he was able to engage freely while acting as Chaplain to Clermont and later to the Earl of Spencer. During this time he fathered a child by Hannah Crook; little is known of either. Eventually Knopwood was forced to sell the family home and become a Naval Chaplain, serving in the West Indies where he had pleasant interludes on shore and was not involved in any hostilities. In spite of his self indulgence and irresponsibility Knopwood’s character was not without positive qualities. A contemporary described him as ‘a gentleman of the old school, remarkably placid countenance, manner easy and gentlemanly in the extreme, conversation lively and agreeable, a choice spirit.’ Although John Pascoe Fawkner was to describe him as a harsh magistrate he showed compassion and egalitarianism unusual at the time. The editor of his journal, Mary Nicholls wrote, ‘ he gave constant attention to condemned men in prison and on the gallows, even though executions made him ill; on one occasion he obtained a last minute reprieve for a lad whom he then took as a servant.’ In Van Diemen’s Land he adopted an orphaned child, Elizabeth Mack, to whom he was devoted; after her early death in childbirth her husband, Henry Morrisby, treated Knopwood with the affection and respect which would be accorded a close relative. We owe Knopwood a debt for the diary which he kept throughout the voyage and for many years in Australia, giving a lively picture of everyday life in the young colony.17 It is not surprising that Matthew found him an attractive companion and Knopwood obviously enjoyed the company of the young man who was to be frequently mentioned in his journal. Maria SergeantMaria Sergeant was the fourth child and eldest daughter of Richard Stanfield and Ann Crisby, and was christened on 23 June 1782 at the Church of St. Mary, Portsea, the island to the south of the river Solent on which Portsmouth is situated. Parish records show that Stanfields had been living in the region at least since 1655. With a large, deep, well sheltered harbour, Portsmouth was of strategic and mercantile importance from Tudor times, noted for the building and maintenance of ships. It was well fortified, with a garrison of soldiers and Naval personnel. By the end of the eighteenth century, as a result of the wars with France, Portsmouth was booming, with a population of about 8,000, at least 177 inns and many shops and businesses. The occupation of Maria’s father is unknown; his name is not to be found in contemporary lists of professional, hotel keepers or other business people. It is likely that he was a shipwright or possibly a fisherman. Nothing is known of Maria’s early life. Although there do not appear to have been schools for working class children in Portsmouth during her childhood, she must have acquired literacy skills at some time as she was employed as a postmistress in Van Diemen’s Land in her old age. On 23 April 1803 she took a step which was to radically alter the course of her life; She was married by Knopwood to Sergeant Richard Sergeant on board the Calcutta. According to Knopwood the banns were `publicly asked in the Parish of Wimmaring [sic]’, now known as Wymering, then an agricultural area on the outskirts of Portsmouth. However, she was described as `of the Parish of St. Thomas, Portsmouth’. Richard Sergeant had joined the Marines in Bristol on 2 February 1797 at the age of seventeen. He was described as having previously been a labourer, five feet, seven inches in height, with dark brown hair, grey eyes and a fresh complexion and to have been born at Wallot, Bath, Somerset.18 We can only speculate on the influences which led this young woman to make a marriage which was to take her far from family and friends. If passion for the Sergeant was a factor, it soon disappeared. Some explanation may possibly be found in the circumstances of Maria’s family at the time. In May 1796 her father married for the second time, her mother apparently having died, perhaps at the birth of her eighth child, Cornelius, two years before. Four more children were born of this second marriage, in 1797, 1800, 1800 and April 1803. It seems not unreasonable to speculate that Maria might have wished to escape responsibility for caring for the large family of young children, a duty which might well have been expected of the eldest daughter. On the other hand, the expenses of a large family, five under twelve,19 may have forced Maria to find employment, probably domestic work, which she found uncongenial. Whatever the cause she must have had courage and a sense of adventure to take this bold step. Having grown up in Portsmouth, she could not have been ignorant of the hazards of a long sea voyage although it would have been impossible for her to imagine what life in the new colony would entail. By the time the two ships reached Sullivan’s Bay Knopwood and Maria were already friends, having traveled together on the Calcutta; in his memoirs John Pascoe Fawkner commented that ‘before the end of the week’ [after her marriage] Maria ‘proved a thoroughly bad woman and was found in the Chaplain’s cabin’ According to Fawkner, Maria and Matthew formed an attachment soon after arriving at Port Phillip. Many years later he wrote:-
Other records show that the unfortunate Richard Sergeant was brought before a court martial for drunkenness and disorderly conduct and demoted to private. Fawkner was critical of the Governor’s support for Matthew but Sergeant was soon reinstated because of his previous good record . It is impossible to know whether every detail of Fawkner’s story is correct. Collins certainly would have condoned the relationship between Matthew and Maria; he had taken a mistress, Hannah Power, the wife of a convict who was to accept the liaison in return for favours. Hannah Power and the wife of another convict who became the mistress of Leonard Fosbrook were given sleeping quarters near the officers’ tents. Fawkner was only eleven at the time and his reminiscences were written many years later, between 1860 and 1863. The son of a convict, convicted for receiving stolen goods, Fawkner was always highly critical of officers involved in illicit relationships and over indulgence in alcohol; he was ready to defend those he saw as oppressed and as a young man was convicted of assisting convicts to escape. Sometimes his views arose from prejudice rather than fact.. He made the unsubstantiated claim that Collins was motivated by greed when deciding to transfer the colony to Van Diemen’s Land, receiving a sum of 500 hundred guineas as a result. Whether he was compensated for the additional work entailed or not, we shall see that Collins had sound reasons for leaving Port Phillip. C.P.Billot comments in his introduction to The life and Times of John Pascoe Fawkner:- ‘This record of his early years supplies some valuable facts, but it was written in the bitterness of old age, and it is twisted and biased in it's opinions.’ Wholly Unfit for a Colonial EstablishmentBecause of the extreme difficulty experienced by both ships in entering Port Phillip Bay Collins probably doubted the viability of the settlement from the start. It was obvious that a safe passage could only be achieved when wind and tide were favourable. The lack of fertile soil and good water would have reinforced his negative views, together with the apparent hostility of the Aborigines. Although there was known to be good water and soil further up the bay a port there would not have been strategically suitable in time of war. Collins was free to move his party to another site. His instructions from Lord Hobart, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies were to found a settlement `on any part of the Southern coast of New South Wales, or any of the islands in Bass’s Streights [sic.]’ By November Collins wrote to Governor King:-
William Collins bravely volunteered to carry his message to Port Jackson, together with mail. Six men were selected from convicts who volunteered to go with him. Four of them had served as sailors on the Calcutta, another was an experienced caulker and the sixth had worked as Cook’s Mate on board ship. They were to travel in a small cutter, supplied with arms and provisions for a month. They rowed away from Sullivan’s Bay on 6 November, carrying mail as well as Collins’ report. The next day Knopwood crossed the ocean dunes with Matthew to watch for the boat where he saw `the most dreadful surge I ever beheld’. When the boat did not appear the two men must have feared for its safety but William Collins wisely decided not to attempt to leave the bay for three days. In fact the risks taken were unnecessary. On 13 November the Ocean set sail for China, Captain Mertho reluctantly taking with her several settlers who wished to reach Port Jackson as soon as possible. It was more than twenty-four hours before wind and tides allowed the ship to sail safely through the entrance. Sixty miles south of Port Jackson she met up with the party of William Collins who had battled rough weather throughout their voyage. Captain Mertho took the men aboard and towed the cutter for the remainder of the journey. They arrived on 25 November to hear that a British ship had just left, after bringing news that England and France had been at war for the past six months. Governor King then chartered the Ocean to return to Port Phillip with the Lady Nelson, a small Naval vessel, in order to transport David Collins’ party to Van Diemen’s Land.. With England once more at war with France, King must have thought it important to secure Bass Strait from a French claim. He had already sent Lieut. Bowen with a small party to the Derwent River as the first step in establishing a colony in Van Diemen’s Land. Moving SouthFive weeks later the Ocean and the Lady Nelson arrived at Port Phillip and preparations were made for departure. With increasing unrest at the settlement Collins must have welcomed King’s agreement with his decision to move. Hearing news of Bowen’s party on the Derwent River, he decided to join him there. Bass and Flinders had already reported that there was fertile soil and good anchorage. Informed that his country was at war, Captain Woodriff decided that, as a Naval captain, it was his duty to return to England as soon as possible, in spite of Collins’ disappointment that the Calcutta would not be available to assist with the move to the Derwent. However Governor King dispatched a whaler, the Edwin and the schooner Francis to help. Tipping writes that it took almost a month for two gangs of convicts to load the stores. A wharf and jetty were built in the shallow water. High temperatures probably contributed to the slowness of the operation, together with gales and rain. On 20 January the last service was held and on the 26th David Collins boarded the Ocean, together with Matthew Bowden, Knopwood, Harris, Humphrey and Lord, half the convicts and a detachment of marines. They did not leave immediately because of weather conditions; Captain Mertho, Knopwood and Humphrey dined once more on shore and would have heard that Aborigines had surrounded the camp, apparently curious about the increased activity. It was not until 30 January that the Ocean finally left, accompanied by the Lady Nelson.
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Van Dieman's Land (Tasmania) |
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Derwent River SettlementEleven days later the Ocean arrived at the Derwent. At Risdon Cove the travelers found about one hundred people in charge of Lieut. William Moore, Bowen having returned to Port Jackson. The group consisted of a surgeon, Joseph Mountgarret, a store-keeper, eighteen marines, convicts and a few free settlers. Matthew Bowden went ashore next day with Captain Mertho, Knopwood and William Collins. Tipping writes:-
Lieut. Governor Collins was not favourably impressed with the Risdon Cove site and sent George Harris, the Surveyor, downstream in search of a better one. On inspection Collins agreed with Harris’s recommendation that the settlement should be sited downstream at the foot of the mountain, later named Mount Wellington. Robson writes:-
Once again David Collins proved to be a capable organiser and leader, making the best possible use of human resources - sawyers, carpenters, bricklayers, blacksmiths, stonemasons, lime and charcoal burners. In July 265 convicts were employed. By late June, when the last party arrived from Port Phillip, his people were living in huts, small and rough but preferable to tents. Fawkner wrote:-
The Governor continued to live in the simple pre-fabricated house he had brought from England. In spite of the urgent need for building materials Collins did his best to conserve natural resources, regulating the felling of trees and the removal of stone from quarries. Some convicts were ordered to build small boats, while others worked as clerks, cooks, bakers, wheelwrights, millwrights, and gardeners. Thirty-two acted as servants for military and civil officers and there was a bell-ringer, a barber and a printer. In October prisoners and their wives were issued with clothing; tailors and some of the women made up extra garments out of material brought from England. Many of the convicts made caps and coats from tanned kangaroo skins and skins of domestic animals which had died. In November a hospital was built; that month I’Anson, the First Surgeon, listed three marines, five free settlers, and twenty-eight convicts as sick. Twenty-one were still affected with scurvy, two with diarrhoea and one with tuberculosis. In the first few years land grants were made to civilian officers, free settlers, the wives of convicts and even convicts themselves and farming commenced with stock purchased at Rio de Janeiro and the Cape of Good Hope. Officers and free settlers were allowed to employ convicts on their farms. Collins also established a Government Farm at Newtown, employing thirty-five people to cultivate wheat, oats and rye and care for stock. Food ShortagesFor many years farm production was inadequate; the initial lack of stock and seed and the incompetence of settlers prevented the colony from becoming self sufficient in basic foodstuffs. The Napoleonic Wars, which continued until 1814, meant that few ships came to replenish supplies; much time had to be spent hunting and fishing to the detriment of agricultural pursuits. By May 1805 meat was rationed, and handouts of flour and sugar were severely restricted by the end of the year. In October, 1805 Matthew wrote to his banker that a whaler had arrived with meagre but welcome supplies when the store’s provisions would only have lasted three weeks more. In February 1806 Harris wrote that there was no tea, sugar, coffee, soap, candles, oil, wine, beer, porter [sic.], cheese or butter available. Knopwood wrote in his journal:-
The problems of early settlement were temporarily increased by the arrival of large numbers of ex-convicts from Norfolk Island, which was being evacuated.. Between 1808 and 1809 over five hundred were moved to Van Diemen’s Land. However, according to Robson, these settlers eventually contributed to the self sufficiency of the colony by successfully growing wheat. By 1809 300 acres were under cultivation between the North and South Esk Rivers. Increasing SicknessWith acute food shortages the health of the population inevitably deteriorated and it was impossible for the surgeons to effectively treat those who were ill. I’Anson wrote to Collins, begging him to obtain more medical stores, including `large quantities of olive oil, lime juice, portable soup, digitalis’, as well as flannel for chest complaints, calico for bandages, lancets, bougies22 , much needed rugs and blankets’. 23 In July 1806 Governor King wrote that he had no spare supplies of medicine to send and it is not clear whether he was able to meet any of the other requests. The settlement was saved from starvation by the abundance of kangaroos, emu and fish. Convict servants were sent out with guns and dogs to hunt kangaroo. Matthew and other officers who owned dogs were able to augment their income by selling kangaroo meat to the Government store for distribution to those who were unable to obtain it themselves. Starvation was averted, but at a price; the number of animals near the settlement rapidly declined so that the indigenous people were deprived of their staple food, and some convicts learned that they could survive in the bush and became bushrangers. Settlers taking up land were threatened by them and by Aborigines who had previously been friendly. The seeds of future conflict and tragedy were sown. One of Matthew’s convict servants, George Brewer, was speared by Aborigines and left to die by his companions who shot four of those defending their traditional hunting grounds. A few days later Knopwood wrote:-
A Harsh LifeLife in the next few years was harsh, with an extreme shortage of food, much petty crime and the constant threat of attack from Aborigines and bushrangers. The Lieut. Governor was frustrated by the failure of the Colonial Office to give him enough power and by lack of support from Governor King, who was doubtless too preoccupied with problems at Port Jackson to deal with the plight of those struggling in Van Diemen’s Land. Almost all of those facing criminal charges had to be taken to Port Jackson for trial, together with witnesses, so settlers were deterred from taking action for thefts of property. In the early days of the colony corruption was rife. Although trading by military and civil officers was officially forbidden, they openly bought goods which they sold for high returns. When available, excessive profits were made from the sale of rum, which was also used for the payment of labour. Robson writes:- CorruptionThere was a substantial amount of money to be made ... in selling wheat to the government and bribery and corruption in making that money was facilitated by the careless methods of keeping government accounts. Collins appears to have done little to stem corruption and ensure accounts were properly kept, although he himself did not take part in corrupt practices and died a poor man. Bligh's VisitThe arrival from Port Jackson of William Bligh, the deposed Governor of N.S.W., who had succeeded King, caused further problems. Although received by Collins with courtesy, Bligh harassed him, trying to exert his authority, interfering with shipping and supplies and causing dissension among the officers. He remained in Hobart from March 1809 until January 1810. A Troubled SocietyThis was the troubled society in which Matthew spent the last ten years of his life. We can learn of his place in it from government records, Knopwood’s diary, Matthew’s own account book 24 and nine letters which he wrote to Charles Cox, the London banker and attorney whose firm, Charles Cox and Son, acted as general agents for soldiers and officials serving abroad.25 Cox and Son collected their pay for them, managed their affairs and paid out on their bills of exchange. Collins was also one of their clients. Living TogetherAs with most women of the time, Maria’s life is hidden except for a few brief references, and must be left to the imagination. Knopwood noted on 15 April 1804,’ at 4, Mr. Lord, Mr. Humphrey and Mrs. Sarjent [sic] came and drank tea with me.’ It is not known when Maria and Matthew began to live together. On 21 October 1804 Knopwood wrote; `Mrs. Sarjent came into the camp to live with her husband’, without mentioning where she had been living previously. Could he have referred to Matthew as her husband? Did she move into Matthew’s house ten days after Knopwood dined there for the first time? She was probably by this time just pregnant with Matthew’s child; on 3 June 1805 Knopwood wrote; `This morn I christian [sic] Mr. Bowden’s child.’ This was a boy named John. On 13 October 1806 there is another entry in the chaplain’s diary, recording that he christened Mrs. Sergeant’s child and took lunch at Mr. Bowden’s. The child was christened Matthew Sargent. William Henry Sarjent was christened on 13 September 1809 and a daughter, Ann Elizabeth was born in 1811. In July and August 1807 there are two similar mysterious entries in Knopwood’s diary, said by Mary Nicholls, editor of the 1977 edition of Knopwood’s journal to be 'in very colloquial Latin'. Nicholls writes that a probable translation of an entry would be 'In the evening Mrs. B. came. She said to me that he beat her at home and hurt her’. Although some people have taken this to refer to Maria and Matthew, we will never know for certain to whom he was referring. Maria might well have gone to Knopwood if she were in trouble; however all other entries in his diary refer to her as ‘Mrs. Sarjent’, and there were three other women at the settlement whose husbands’ names started with `B’. Subsequent events indicate that there was a strong bond between Maria and Matthew which withstood the stress of life in early Hobart. There is reason to believe that Maria was a capable woman, and an efficient housekeeper, enabling Matthew to entertain his friends in cramped living quarters with few amenities. Matthew's Land GrantsIn August 1804 Matthew was given a grant of land in the Hobart area now known as the Domain, a hill overlooking the Derwent. Here he presumably built his first house, close to the hospital. It was probably similar to that of George Harris, depicted in his water colour of 1806, with one door, two windows, a thatched roof and one chimney.26 While most people had to make do with canvas over their windows, Matthew had some glass, bought at Rio de Janeiro for 2 pounds. There was a garden in which he recorded planting ‘cabbages and collyflowers [sic]’. On 11 October 1804 Knopwood noted that ‘at 4 pm all the officers, civil and military, dined with Mr. Bowden at his new house’. The house must have been gradually improved in the next few years, with most of the work carried out in 1810, when Matthew wrote to Cox ‘I have been making major additions to my house which I found expensive but which is nearly finished.’ In his account book there is a heading; `Expense of Additional rooms’ and mention of a children’s room, kitchen and new parlour, as well as tiling, plastering, whitewashing, two new chimneys, front steps and a new front door. About this time Matthew also invested in new furniture; showing an appreciation of fine craftsmanship he commissioned an elegant ‘ Cedar and String Inlaid Bowfront Six-legged Sideboard’, probably made by William Nichols, a carpenter and free settler who had sailed with Matthew on the Ocean.27 In addition to two acres of land in Hobart, Matthew was also given 100 acres of land on the southern side of Humphrey’s Rivulet, a tributary of the Derwent; the district became known as O’Brien’s Bridge and later Glenorchy. It was 5½ miles from Hobart Town. Matthew soon set himself up as a small farmer, having bought some stock at Rio de Janeiro. According to a letter written by George Harris to his mother on 7 August 1804, he was first in partnership:-
This arrangement does not seem to have lasted long, there is no record of it in Matthew’s account book. An entry dated 11 July 1804 records the purchase of livestock from Joseph Mountgarret, the surgeon with Bowen’s party. Matthew paid 19 pounds for 6 ewes, 3 female lambs, 3 male lambs, 6 goats, 1 cow, 3 turkeys 11 hens, 2 cocks and 4 sows. Tipping writes that in the same month the first crime recorded in the settlement was the theft of a lamb from Matthew Bowden. In 1810 Matthew was given a further grant of land by Governor Macquarie, consisting of 500 acres at New Norfolk. In that year his account book listed 21 bullocks and bull calves and 25 cows and female calves, with names reminiscent of the English countryside, such as Bessy, Polly, Fanny and Jenny. The mating of cattle and subsequent births were recorded, together with the deaths of animals through natural causes or by slaughter, presumably for meat. By 1812 Matthew had 53 head of cattle and 220 sheep and lambs. At some stage he may also have acquired a horse; his account book mentions a payment to a blacksmith in 1810, although this was not necessarily for shoeing a horse. Convict labour was readily available but not always trustworthy. One of Matthew’s employees was John Dinham, who was paid 10 shillings a week in 1810 for the care of stock for fifteen weeks. Dinham, born about 1764, was deported for sheep stealing in 1803 after being first sentenced to death. In 11 September 1811 he was charged with using ‘force and arms’ to steal eight ewes belonging to Matthew. At Port Jackson he was again sentenced to death but reprieved and sent to Newcastle, a penal settlement for secondary offenders. Another convict employed in the same year was Thomas Williams, born about 1777, transported for stealing `goods.’ HoughtonMatthew’s account book shows that some buildings were erected on the farm in 1810, and there must have been some rough shelters earlier. Entries in 1810 refer to ‘Laying Barn Floor at Houghton’, as well as `alteration in Barn at Home’ and to spending 1 pound, 10 shillings on `Beading back of New House.’ 28 It is unclear which building some other entries refer to. This was the first reference to `Houghton’, the name by which the farm was to be known for many years, and which was given to the house owned by his grand daughter, Anne Bowden in Kew, Victoria, many years later. The farm was obviously important to Matthew as a means of making sufficient money to enable him to return to England with a degree of affluence and perhaps also as a link with his previous life at Houghton-le Spring. Financial AnxietyMatthew’s letters to Cox show considerable anxiety about his finances. When he left England his salary as First Assistant Surgeon was 91 pounds, 5 shillings `plus Victuals’. When promoted to Acting Principal Surgeon in 1811, following the death of I’Anson, his salary was raised to 182 pounds, 10 shillings per annum. He was apparently allowed to supplement this by private practice for free settlers. His salary was paid in London to Charles Cox on receipt of a certificate; Cox then made payments or purchases on his behalf; the system was inefficient, with long gaps between ships calling at Hobart. Often mail had to be unloaded at Port Jackson and then sent by another ship to Hobart, sometimes it seems never to have arrived at its destination. From Matthew’s letters we know that there were long delays in payment for his attendance on marines. It was not until his last extant letter to Cox, dated 11 January 1814, that Matthew was able to announce that Governor Macquarie had introduced a new method of payment by which civil officers were to be paid in N.S.W. The account book has twenty entries under the heading ‘Private Practice’ from May 1808 until January 1812, but this is unlikely to have been a complete record. Charges ranged from 1 guinea for treating a child with a bruised thigh to 5 guineas for attending a woman in childbirth. The list ends in 1812 on what must have been a satisfactory note:-
Arson at the HospitalThe practice of medicine was beset with difficulties. For years pharmaceutical drugs
were in short supply and resistance to disease lowered by malnutrition. In July 1806 the
hospital was burnt down. Knopwood wrote:- By an order of the Lieut. Governor of 1 July 1804 the Assistant Surgeons on duty at the hospital were instructed `to attend all punishments that may occur among prisoners and give in returns of numbers under treatment with prevailing diseases and probable causes.’ The surgeons had a variety of responsibilities; it is not clear how duties were divided between Bowden, I’Anson and the Second Assistant Surgeon, Hopley, but as I’Anson died of tuberculosis in 1812 he was probably in poor health for some years, leaving the others to carry the main burden. As well as treating sick or injured convicts, civil and military officers and free settlers, the surgeons inspected newly arrived stores to make sure they were fit for human consumption, and checked the health of the ships’ crews. By an order of 21 July 1804 the Assistant Surgeons on duty at the hospital were to ‘attend all punishments that may occur among prisoners, and give in returns of numbers under treatment, with prevailing diseases and possible causes.’ In 1805 Matthew’s son, John and others were inoculated against smallpox. On at least one occasion Matthew conducted a post-mortem. Illicit TradingAlthough officers were forbidden to trade, the order was often disregarded and there is evidence that Matthew imported and sold some goods. In several letters he asked Cox to send items in excess of the requirements of his own family. On 26 May 1809 he reminded Cox of requests for `Cloth, Boots and Linen’, while on 13 July 1813 he thanked him for goods received and added: -
Records of sales are to be found in Matthew’s account book although the distinction between goods sold and those bought for his own use is not always clear. There would have been a ready market for goods imported directly from England; Matthew wrote in May 1809: -
In 1812 the position apparently became worse; Matthew reported that a new regulation stipulated that `the Ships visiting here are not allowed to unload their cargo without first visiting Port Jackson where the goods are purchased by the Merchants and sent down here at enormous profit.’ Christmas CelebrationsThere are many references to Matthew in Knopwood’s Journal; they were obviously close friends and spent much time together, their companionship providing some relief from the anxieties and deprivation of their exile. They dined together frequently at each other's houses, sometimes on board a ship in port, sometimes at Government House. The first Christmas in Van Diemen’s Land was spent together; Knopwood noted:-
The celebrations continued next day with the same party breakfasting and dining at ‘Mr. Bowden’s’. On such occasions the friends managed to eat well in spite of food shortages. Knopwood describes a dinner on 3 October 1804:-
The two friends took long walks together, sometimes to the Bowden farm. Matthew was also a close friend of Colonel David Collins. Knopwood tells how, on New Year’s Day, 1806, they were both invited to join an expedition. He wrote:-
Death of the Lieutenant GovernorHobart’s inhabitants were shocked by the sudden death of the Lieutenant Governor on 24 March 1810, apparently as the result of a heart attack. George Harris wrote an obituary in the `Derwent Star’, praising his `graceful and commanding mien’, and `affable and kind manners’, saying that he had `read much’ and that `his conversation was instructive and amusing’. Matthew attended the Governor in his last illness and was present at his sudden death. He wrote to Charles Cox and Son on 30 March 1810:-
He went on to describe the circumstances of his death:-
Lieutenant Lord 29 arranged a lavish funeral at which Matthew was one of the chief mourners, walking at the head of the procession with Knopwood. Matthew’s account of the Governor’s death is identical to that which he wrote to Collins’ brother George on the same date. He continued in the letter to Cox:-
In February 1811 Matthew sent Cox a statement to the effect that there was a balance of 359 pounds, 9 shillings and 6 pence due to the Lieut. Governor’s heirs after the sale of his belongings and the payment of his debts by Edward Lord. Governor MacquarieLieut. Lord took charge of the colony until July 1810, when he was replaced as Deputy by Captain John Murray, who was then succeeded by Major Geils. On 31 December 1809 Governor Lauchlan Macquarie arrived at Port Jackson to replace the deposed Governor, Bligh. Almost two years later, in November 1811, he arrived in Van Diemen’s Land for a month’s stay, the first Governor to visit the island. With characteristic energy he traveled widely and made as thorough an assessment of the state of the colony as was possible in a short time. On returning to Port Jackson he issued instructions to Major Geils as the interim officer in charge, listing 31 major points and 31 minor points. Robson writes :-
Macquarie appears to have drawn up the first comprehensive plan for the development of the town. He also attempted to curb corruption, issuing an order that all commissary transactions be recorded in a register which was to provide details to the public each month. Macquarie also attempted to bring order to the personal lives of Hobart’s inhabitants. His instructions from Viscount Castlereagh, then Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, enjoined him to improve the colonists’ morals and encourage marriage, an object dear to his own heart, happily married to Elizabeth. At Port Jackson he had already taken steps to put this instruction into practice; his biographer, John Ritchie writes:- In February 1810 he issued a proclamation in which he condemned all cohabitation unsanctioned by matrimonial ties as a scandal to the tenets of religion, decency and good government: he solemnly declared that he would extend neither patronage nor favour to those who kept such connections and added the caveat that no woman so involved could expect title to her partner's property should he die intestate30 In 1810 187 weddings were celebrated in St. Philip’s Church including 18 in one day. For Matthew and Maria, Macquarie’s commitment to marriage was traumatic; Maria was forced to return to Richard Sergeant and shortly after the Governor instructed the Commandant `not to permit Bowden to molest a marine on account of him having had his lawful wife returned to him by my orders.’ He described Matthew as `a man of dissolute habits, prematurely old’, and wrote that he found the civil hospital `in very bad order’, in contrast to that of the marines.31 What are we to make of these damning statements? As the senior surgeon, Matthew certainly had overall responsibility for the state of the hospitals and it seems that farming may have taken precedence over his medical duties. With regard to Macquarie’s other comments, we cannot be sure whether his Matthew’s unhealthy appearance was due to dissipation or illness, while his relationship with Maria would have been sufficient for Macquarie to call him dissolute. Macquarie made hasty judgements; in an official letter, written after the death of Harris in 1810 he described him as having been dissipated. Macquarie had never met him and probably made this judgement because Harris had not been a competent surveyor and failed to carry out his duties efficiently when temporarily acting as commissary. Harris was a faithful husband who appears to have had impeccable morals, but suffered from epilepsy for some years before his early death. Like many of his contemporaries Matthew may well have drunk to excess at times but he may have been in failing health for some years before his death in 1814. As a surgeon he would have been at risk of contracting the tuberculosis which was prevalent at the time and had claimed the life of I’Anson. Shortly before Macquarie’s arrival, Matthew had made a will, possibly believing that he had some illness which might threaten his life. The Governor’s action in sending Maria back to her husband was surely ill-judged. Had he taken time to discover that Matthew and Maria had been together for seven years, with four children, aged six, five, two and two months? It appears that Maria returned to Matthew immediately after Macquarie’s departure; she remained with him until the end of his life. No doubt sad and embittered, Richard Sergeant returned to England in 1812 and was discharged from the marines in 1814. Prospering, and hoping to Return to EnglandNone of the entries in Knopwood’s journals between July 1808 and January 1814 have survived, so Matthew’s letters to Cox are the main source of information about him during that period. His letters reveal a longing to return home as soon as possible. He wrote on 1 February 1814:- ‘I am happy to inform you that my affairs are going on prosperously and that I hope to be in England in two or three years to compensate for the many privations I have experienced.’ He described how Edward Lord had successfully disposed of his property for 7,000 pounds. Matthew was continually frustrated by the colony’s isolation and the uncertainty of shipping. He wrote on 26 May: -
There was little relief from the harsh conditions in Van Diemen’s Land. Unlike some of the other officers, Matthew only visited Port Jackson once - `for the first time in my long abode’- when he spent three weeks there to give evidence against sheep stealers. On 1 January 1814 Matthew wrote his last extant letter to Cox and Son; he enclosed a copy of an ‘Extract from the Sydney Gazette’ of 6 November 1813’, stating that a dispatch had been received from Earl Bathurst, Secretary of State for the Colonies, with the welcome news that from the beginning of 1814 salaries of civil officers were to be paid in New South Wales. He wrote:-
We know little of the remaining months of Matthew’s life. David Collins’ successor, Colonel Thomas Davey, did not arrive in Hobart until February 1813. He was an unfortunate choice, a heavy drinker, eccentric, undignified and incompetent. The Colonial Office warned Macquarie about him prior to his arrival and Macquarie limited his powers as much as possible. Death of Matthew BowdenOn 10 May 1814 Knopwood wrote, ‘Grand Ball and supper at Government House. Mr. Bowden among guests.’ On 13 October that year Knopwood recorded Matthew's death:-
Knopwood wrote later that ‘the whole colony was plunged into gloom.’ Nothing is known of the cause of Matthew’s sudden death. The funeral took place on 23 October in the presence of Governor Davey, civil and military officers and ‘the Inhabitants’, with Adolarius Humphrey as Chief Mourner. Knopwood reported that after the funeral he and the mourners ‘returned to the house for a very little while'. Matthew’s grave, like that of David Collins, was situated on the site reserved for the church. A large stone was placed above it, now bearing the following inscription:
SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF MATTHEW BOWDEN
An Inheritance for His Illigitimate ChildrenUnlike Collins, who died without making any legal provision for his illegitimate children, Matthew left a will naming his four children as Bowdens and appointing Maria as an executrix. Dated 26 October 1811, and witnessed by William I’Anson and Samuel Lightfoot, and written by Matthew himself it read; In the name of God, Amen!
Matthew chose well in appointing Humphrey as an executor. As a mineralogist he had traveled to Port Phillip on the ‘Ocean’ with Matthew, he was a lifelong friend of Knopwood and is described by Tipping as `one of the least profligate and honest of all the civil officers in the colony’. He prospered, became Chief Magistrate and was eventually to be appointed one of the first members of the Legislative Council of Tasmania. Breedon was a lieutenant in the marines and it is not known whether he remained in Van Diemen’s Land.
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How Should Matthew be Remembered? |
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| How should Matthew Bowden be remembered? He was arguably an adventurous young man, eager to explore an unknown land, but primarily motivated by his desire to make a fortune. He was an agreeable companion, valued by sophisticated older men, Collins and Knopwood, as well as by younger officers like Harris and Humphrey. He was a loyal friend to Harris, signing a letter in his defence when he was being persecuted by Edward Lord for his objection to the vicious flogging of a convict woman. In doing so he risked making an enemy of Lord, already a powerful figure, and offending his friend the Lieut. Governor, who was at that stage supporting Lord. Matthew was intelligent, able to write fluently and gracefully, with due attention to syntax and spelling. Probably he was interested in the scientific developments of the day; his account books contain detailed notes on the eclipses of the sun which took place in 1810. Before leaving England he recorded the payment of 2 pounds, 13 shillings and six pence to a Miss Weatherburn for books. Cox and Son were asked to provide him with reading material, including The Gentleman’s Magazine. Started in 1731 this was a serious publication containing biographical, historical, and antiquarian articles, essays and political commentaries. In it’s early years Dr.Samuel Johnson had been a regular contributor. Matthew appears to have kept up a correspondence with family and friends. At the back of his account book is a list of letters sent between November 1803 and August 1804. These include letters from Port Phillip to his father, sister and Charles Cox and eighteen headed `River Derwent’ with two to his father, three to his sister and some to Rev. Mr. Crooke and others at Port Jackson. There are no further lists of correspondence but his letters to Cox suggest that he took every opportunity to communicate with family and friends, although often frustrated by delays in receiving mail. Perhaps he had a particular affection for his sister Anne, five years younger, noting that he had written to ‘My dear Anne’ and `Dr. Sister’. Matthew was conscientious in sending a long letter to George Collins, the brother of David Collins, after the latter’s death. He also wrote to tell a brother about the death of I’Anson, saying to Cox ‘I will thank you to send the enclosed by some trusty person to a Brother of my late friend Mr. I’Anson as several letters sent since his death have miscarried’. There is also evidence that he assisted Maria’s father, Richard Stanfield on at least one occasion. In his last letter to Charles Cox on 11 January 1814 he wrote, `I shall also feel much obliged by your transmitting the sum of Ten Pounds to Portsmouth addressed to Mr. Richard Stanfield at James Kent’s Esq. St. Thomas’s Street’ -. We have seen that Macquarie must have had some justification for his criticism of Matthew, at least in relation to the state of the civil hospital, for which he certainly had overall responsibility. In addition, he warned Lieut. Governor Davey that Matthew, Fosbrook, Knopwood, Humphrey, Loane and Kent were ‘designing characters who will endeavour to impose upon him and mislead his judgement by artful insinuations and plausible but interested projects and speculations’. He gave no evidence for the allegations but was right to suspect Fosbrook. Robson writes that in 1813 ‘ he was tried by Court Martial in Sydney for fraud although he escaped, partly because relevant books and documents had mysteriously disappeared and partly because one of his accusers had been hanged in England’. Tipping suggests that after the death of Collins Matthew may have colluded in the burning of official documents related to land grants. She writes that many years later William Maum informed the Land Commissioners that the night after the death of David Collins, ‘Mr. - and Mrs. - went over to Government house and in the Governor’s office for purposes best known to themselves, destroyed by fire all the official documents’. Tipping continues ‘the incendiarists, believed to have been the Lords, with the probable collusion of Bowden, must have acted with mixed motives. Some documents were said to have been unfavourable regarding the land they had hoped to acquire’. Maum did not mention Bowden; Tipping probably suspected Matthew because he was at Government House the night after Collins’ death. In 1814 he wrote to Cox about his visit. It was appropriate for him to have perused the late Lieut. Governor’s papers in the company of Lord and Knopwood; he was a close friend of Collins and took responsibility for informing his brother and business agent of his death. Edward Lord and his wife seem to have been the most likely culprits; possibly Matthew colluded to the extent of remaining silent about Lord’s actions. No doubt there were flaws in his Matthew’s character, brought about or increased by his life in the new colony. He could not have been sincere when, in letters to Cox, he described Davey as ‘a good kind of man ' and Lord as a suitable person to take Collins’ private papers to England because ‘Mr. Lord enjoyed a greater share of the Governor’s confidence and friendship than anyone else here.’ We have seen that Davey was a disreputable character and Tipping writes that ‘from the very beginning there had been discord between Collins and the devious Edward Lord’. In a period where patronage was often essential for advancement. Matthew apparently distorted the truth to win the favour of the powerful. But there is no hard evidence of corruption and there are insufficient grounds for condemning him as dissolute. His will showed respect for Maria, confidence in her ability to act as executor, concern for her future and that of their children to whom he gave his name. Would Matthew have abandoned them on returning home? He may well have delayed his return in order to ensure that he had sufficient funds to take them back to England with him and start a new life in reasonable comfort. Although Knopwood’s diary shows there is a possibility that Maria was ill-treated on two occasions there is no reason to doubt her sincerity in mourning ‘a dear Protector who fulfilled the duties of an affectionate Husband, a tender Father and a Faitful [sic] Friend’. I look back with compassion on the founder of my Australian family, a young man of promise who lost the battle to survive the harsh conditions of the new colony.
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Epilogue |
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| ‘A Disconsolate Mother’, Maria was left to care for her four children, John, nine, Matthew, eight, William Henry, five and Ann, three. She apparently continued to live in Hobart while carrying on the farms on Matthew’s properties at O’Brien’s Bridge, New Norfolk and Coal River. It could not have been easy; on 3 August 1816 a notice appeared in the Hobart Town Gazette :-
On the same day the Gazette reported that John Biggs, a prisoner holding a ticket of leave had been convicted of receiving promissory notes amounting to 15 pounds from Stephen Orlando, a prisoner who had stolen them from Maria Sergeant, his employer. There were further problems in November when the following notice appeared:-
In spite of the difficulties Maria was able to maintain her independence. In General Musters in 1817 and 1818 she was described as the mother of four children, not in receipt of Government stores. On 29 March 1817 she was listed as having tendered to supply 30 bushels of wheat to the stores and on 10 May as contracting to supply meat. On 3 October 1818 Maria was granted a licence to operate a hotel, The Sign of the Calcutta, on the corner of Argyle and Brisbane Streets but this venture was apparently unsuccessful, the hotel being sold by order of a mortgagee soon after.33 Maria retained her friendship with Knopwood; on 30 September 1820 he wrote in his diary that on the twelfth birthday of his adopted daughter, Elizabeth Mack, ‘Mary Watts and Ann Bowden din’d and stayed all day’. It is possible that Maria was Knopwood’s housekeeper at one time; J.P. Fawkner wrote:-’He [Knopwood] took one of the Sergeants of Marines’ wives to keep house for him - and a miserable life they led for years, it was said’. It is possible that this referred to Maria. Fawkner always spoke critically of her and Knopwood. In 1821 at the age of thirty-nine she gave birth to a fifth child, Thomas, by a ‘father unknown’ whose identity remains a mystery. Like her other children, Thomas took the name ‘Bowden’, still held by his descendants in Tasmania. Maria was to experience tragedy again on 13 April 1829 when her eldest son, Matthew, died in Hobart at the age of twenty-three. He was buried in St. David’s churchyard and a plaque placed on his father’s tomb. Little is known of the rest of Maria’s life. In 1827 her third son, William, aged eighteen, was reported to be living with her in Campbell Street, Hobart. Many years later, in 1848, 1852, 1853 and 1854 she was listed as Postmistress at Glenorchy. She died on 11 December 1855 at the age of seventy-three, her death certificate citing ‘Decay of Nature’ as the cause. Her name was also added to Matthew’s tomb. JohnThe eldest son, John, appears to have settled on the mainland in the eighteen thirties, working in the Western district of what is now Victoria and later settling in South Australia. For many years he kept the Royal Oak Hotel in Penola. In 1844 he married Catherine Crough in a Catholic Church in Geelong. They had ten children. He died in the Merino Hotel, Naracoorte in South Australia in 1862. AnnLittle is known of his sister Ann, but the records show that she was a witness at the wedding of her half brother, Thomas, in 1850. She appears to have ended her life in comfort. On 27 April 1863 she married William Overell34 in the house of Rev. Robert William Bennett, Kensington Cottage, Glenorchy. Overell was a widower and a man of property, owning a farm at O’Brien’s Bridge, cottages in Argyle Street, Hobart and blacksmith’s and wheelwright’s premises. She died on 3 March 1883 at O’Brien’s Bridge. ThomasThomas married Sarah Anne Bradshaw in Glenorchy on 1 October 1850 and for a time kept a hotel in Hobart, the Jolly Scotsman. He was accidentally shot at Glenorchy on 7 September 1862 and a plaque placed on the family tomb. William HenryMy Great-grandfather, William Henry Bowden, farmed his father’s lands and established a tannery and mill at Humphrey’s Rivulet, Glenorchy. In 1831 he married Janet Anderson who must have died soon afterwards as he was described as a widower when he married Catherine35 Clark in 1835. Born in Wick on the North coast of Scotland in 1809, she had traveled to Van Diemen’s Land to join her brothers, John and William. They had ten children. Like his brother, William worked in the Western District of Victoria in the eighteen thirties but returned to Van Diemen’s Land a number of times with his family and retained some land there until 1869. He sold the mill in 1840. Records show that in 1840 he owned a property at Bream Creek near the present Barwon Heads in Victoria and that he was farming there in 1851. He also lived in Geelong for a time. William and Catherine’s second daughter, my grandmother, was named Maria, surely an expression of William’s regard for his mother. With fine features, she had a beauty which lasted till the end of her long life; perhaps it is not too fanciful to imagine that she inherited this from her grandmother, Maria Sergeant. In their old age, William and Catherine lived in Walpole Street, Kew, Victoria and William was one of the founders of the Kew Presbyterian Church. He died in Kew on 23 August 1882. A few years later Catherine went to live in Molesworth Street, Kew with her daughter Maria, the wife of Thomas Harrison and died there on 17 April 1895. Their children prospered. Fawkner may well have had them in mind when he wrote in his Memoirs:-
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Endnotes |
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| 1 Porter, Roy, The Greatest Benefit to
Mankind, Harper Collins 1997, p 21 |
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| Author: Alison Goding (nee Gillespie);
great-great-grandaughter of Matthew Bowden. Web version: David Martin, great-great-great-grandson of Matthew Bowden. Copyright © 2000 Alison Goding |
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